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"Let there arise out of you a band of people inviting to all that is good enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong; they are the ones to attain felicity".
(surah Al-Imran,ayat-104)
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User Name: Noman
Full Name: Noman Zafar
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by Thomas Gale Moore
Several Democrats and even some Republicans have attributed the disaster in Iraq to the way in which the war was fought. There have been calls for Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's resignation. Certainly the Pentagon in fighting this war has made serious errors. From the beginning, when looting broke out, the military had no plans to bring order to the country. In fact, Rumsfeld and other high Defense Department officials had no plans for what to do after the conquest of the country. The dismissal of the Iraqi army has also been blamed for the outbreak of chaos and violence. Many observers, including some who were strong supporters of the invasion, have attributed the inability to stamp out the insurgency to an insufficient number of troops. Rumsfeld, who has been actively pushing a lean military dependent on high-tech weapons rather than boots on the ground, has resisted calls for more soldiers. Without doubt, lack of planning and errors in judgment have contributed to the growing insurgency.
Many military experts have attributed the growth and strength of the violence to the failure to employ valid counterinsurgency tactics. Little effort was made, they argue, to win the minds and hearts of local inhabitants. Shooting first and asking questions later may be the safest tactic in the short run, but it builds hatred and anger as innocent women and children are killed or maimed. Whether it would have been possible to win over the public is open to debate. The coalition forces did not occupy the Kurdish north, and the Kurds have remained largely supportive of the Americans. Some of the Shias who had suffered from Saddam Hussein's reign did initially welcome the toppling of his regime. To this day, a number of them still support the coalition forces. The British contingent, concentrated in the southern part of Iraq, which is primarily Shia, have bragged that they have been able to patrol without helmets and have had a good relationship with the local people. Unfortunately, this benign occupation has become more violent; no longer is the south peaceful. The level of violence, however, is still less than that in the Sunni areas. Whether the relative success in the south is attributable to better efforts at winning the hearts and minds of the population or whether it is that the local people gained greatly by the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's Sunni regime is again open to argument. The answer is probably both; but, as we are seeing, violence is increasing in Shia areas as well, and leading figures from that sect are calling for resisting the occupation.
In the sections of the country that are primarily Sunni, violence has been unrelenting. The Sunnis have been strongly opposed to the occupation and the toppling of their leader, Saddam. No matter how hard the military tried, the chances that American troops could have won the hearts and minds of many Sunnis seem remote.
Another school of thought claims that Iraqis are not ready for democracy. There is nothing in their history to suggest the willingness to compromise and allow others to exercise limited powers that characterizes a democracy. Most countries with multiple ethnic, religious, or tribal groups have difficulty managing a democratic government. Typically, one of the groups will seize power and put down the others. Switzerland is one of the few multi-ethnic societies that work and it does so by relegating most powers to the various cantons; the central government handles mainly foreign affairs and defense. Iraq is made up of various groups, but the largest is the Shias, who have been dominated by the Sunnis in the past. Thus the tensions and simmering conflicts make a working democracy very improbable. Only a federal state whose central government had weak powers would have much chance of being viable.
Blaming the chaos in Iraq on a failure of planning or on a failure to use the correct tactics is similar to the effort by some Marxists to blame the fall of communism in the Soviet Union on a failure to practice communism correctly. It never addresses the root issue: the war could not be won, because it was a colossal mistake.
While all the factors listed above make the occupation more difficult, they ignore the basic problem: that is, a foreign power occupies Iraq. Not only is it foreign, but it is from a predominantly Christian country, and Iraqis are almost all Muslims. Many Muslims, if not most, see the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq as a modern version of the Crusades. While to most Westerners, especially Americans, the Crusades are simply an episode in ancient history with no relevance to today, most Arabs feel quite differently. They see the foundation of Israel as an effort by the West to retake the Holy Land of Palestine using the Jewish state as a proxy. The Muslims see the Jews expanding from their original mandate to occupy more and more of Palestine. The recent invasion of Lebanon confirms their perception of the advance of Christianity/ Judaism into the Middle East.
Some evangelical Christians adhere to the view that Jewish occupation of greater Palestine will lead to the Second Coming, in which those who do not accept Christ, Jews and Muslims alike, will be damned to eternal Hell. These fundamentalists therefore support Israel's expanding settlements in the West Bank. Muslims point to those American religious groups as proof that the U.S. invaded Iraq to subjugate Muslims who oppose the Jewish state and its efforts to occupy the Holy Land.
For most Americans, products of the largely secular West, it is hard to understand the depth of feeling that the occupation of an Arab/Muslim country generates among the inhabitants. The history of the British experience in Iraq indicates that holding that country would be a bloody and violent enterprise. When the British put Iraq together at the end of World War I, they experienced a growing insurgency, which ultimately forced them to withdraw. The U.S. is simply following in their steps with the same result – violence directed against the occupier. Sooner or later, we will have to follow the British example and pull out. Later means more deaths and more violence. The sooner we get out of this disaster, the better.
 Reply:   Iraqi elections believed to ha
Replied by(Noman) Replied on (14/Sep/2006)
WASHINGTON - Iraq's political process has sharpened the country's sectarian divisions, polarized relations between its ethnic and religious groups, and weakened its sense of national identit
By Drew Brown
McClatchy Newspapers


WASHINGTON - Iraq's political process has sharpened the country's sectarian divisions, polarized relations between its ethnic and religious groups, and weakened its sense of national identity, the Government Accountability Office said Monday.
In spite of a sharp increase in Sunni-Shiite violence, however, attacks on U.S.-led coalition forces are still the primary source of bloodshed in Iraq, the report found. It was the latest in a series of recent grim assessments of conditions in Iraq.
But the report was unusual in its sweep, relying on a series of other government studies, some of them previously unpublicized, to touch on issues from violence and politics to electricity production. Published on the fifth anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the GAO report was downbeat in its conclusions - underscoring how Iraq's deteriorating security situation threatens the Bush administration' s goal of a stable and democratic regime in Baghdad.
"Despite coalition efforts and the efforts of the newly formed Iraqi government, insurgents continue to demonstrate the ability to recruit new fighters, supply themselves, and attack coalition security forces," the report says. "The deteriorating conditions threaten continued progress in U.S. and other international efforts to assist Iraq in the political and economic areas."
The report relied on a number of findings made earlier this year by the United Nations, the U.S. State and Defense departments, U.S. intelligence agencies and other sources to reach its conclusions. Unlike the majority of those agencies, the GAO, which reports to Congress, has no responsibility for forming or executing policy in Iraq.
The GAO said Congress must ask several questions as it considers what to do next. Among them:
-What political, economic and security conditions must be achieved before the United States can draw down and withdraw military forces from Iraq?
-Why have security conditions continued to worsen even as Iraq has met political milestones, increased the number of trained and equipped forces, and increasingly assumed the lead for security?
-If existing U.S. political, economic, and security measures are not reducing violence in Iraq, what additional measures, if any, will the administration propose for stemming the violence?
The report, citing the Pentagon, said that enemy attacks against coalition and Iraqi forces increased by 23 percent from 2004 to 2005 and that the number of attacks from January to July 2006 were 57 percent higher than during the same period in 2005.
A graph showed that the number of attacks rose from around 100 in May 2003 to roughly 4,500 in July 2006. More than half of those were against coalition troops; the rest appear to have been split almost evenly between attacks on Iraqi security forces and attacks on civilians.
The report said that electricity production remains inadequate, with Baghdad residents receiving less than six hours of power a day, on average. Residents outside Baghdad received electricity less than 11 hours a day, on average.
Though the Bush administration has hailed each political milestone in Iraq as another step on the march to freedom, the report cited a Defense Intelligence Agency finding that "the December 2005 elections appeared to heighten sectarian tensions and polarize sectarian divides."
That finding was echoed, the GAO said, in a March 2006 report from the government-funded U.S. Institute for Peace. That report said that the political process had sharpened ethnic and sectarian identities "while nationalism and a sense of Iraqi identity have weakened."
Further, a report by the office of Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte concluded in February 2006 that Iraqi security forces "are experiencing difficulty in managing ethnic and sectarian divisions," the GAO said. The intelligence director's report said many Iraqi troops remain loyal to sectarian and political interests, the GAO said.



© 2006 McClatchy Washington Bureau and wire service sources. All Rights Reserved.
http://www.realciti es.com

http://www.realciti es.com/mld/ krwashington/ 15494904. htm

 
 Reply:   Lawlessness and terrorism rule
Replied by(Noman) Replied on (14/Sep/2006)
Cairo ­ The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington had many indirect results, including the March 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq.
By Anne-Beatrice Clasmann
Sep 11, 2006, 19:00 GMT


Cairo ­ The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington had many indirect results, including the March 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq.
At the time, US President George W Bush argued the 'war on terror' required the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in Baghdad.
But ties between Saddam's regime and Islamic terrorist groups were never found, nor were the weapons of mass destruction which US troops had hoped to find in Iraq.
Instead, according to many terrorism experts, the invasion led to something much more dangerous: bigger and more professional terrorist organizations.
In short, observers say, by invading Iraq, the United States essentially shot itself in the foot. Even US secret services had seen this coming for a while.
In 2005, a CIA study reported that Iraq provided 'a training ground, a recruitment ground, the opportunity for enhancing technical skills' of Islamic terrorists.
The war, which began on the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, has now resulted in the worldwide growth of terrorism, according to Western intelligence agencies.
The overwhelming majority of Muslims see Washington's Iraq policies as wrong and unfair.
The presence of US troops in Iraq is regarded as an occupation much like that of Israeli forces in Palestinian areas - a view that increases hatred of the West, which sends more people to join terrorist groups, according to many analysts.
Iraq has replaced Afghanistan as the world's centre of lawlessness and now draws terrorists who want to train for future attacks in other countries.
This trend was first noticed last November when a series of hotels in Amman, Jordan's capital, were attacked.
The attackers came from Iraq under orders from Abu Musab al- Zarqawi, a Jordanian who became Iraq's top terrorist before he was assassinated by US forces this summer.
Al-Zarqawi had developed an especially strong terrorist organization in Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, specializing in attacks on foreign troops, representatives of the new Iraqi government or military, and many Shiite civilians.
The group was originally known as al-Tawhid al-Jihad (Monotheism and Holy War Movement) and included hundreds of radical Muslims from the entire Arab world.
At some point, possibly after his fighters came into conflict with Iraqi forces, al-Zarqawi saw the benefit in linking his group to the al-Qaeda terrorist network. Thus, the group became al-Qaeda in Iraq.
There are currently two schools of thought in Iraq who differ on how to clear the country of terrorists.
One group believes that removing US troops from Iraq would be the best way to fight terrorism. They reason that the presence of the 'infidel' soldiers is the main reason for Iraq's daily orgy of violence.
The other argues that, without foreign troops constantly killing or capturing terrorists, the country will truly devolve into violence.
What is certain is only the tragedy of people who once prayed for the end of Saddam's regime: Given the constant bombing attacks on civilians and the general anarchy, they now find themselves wishing that that regime had never collapsed.
© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

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