Is Russia weakening
economically?
-DR. ABDUL RUFF COLACHAL
_________________
Stagnation
Most Russians, if not all, feel the loss of super power
status to USA and they also see a deep rooted conspiracy against Russia by the
Western powers seeking to impose imperialist norms on the course of intentional
politics. However, they don’t want to be dictated terms f by USA and Europe.
The
ongoing confrontation with the West has caused Russia huge money loss,
upsetting economic diversification Russia sought in the post-Soviet era. The
Kremlin may have withstood the pressures due to economic sanctions from
USA and Europe. Though Moscow could somewhat protect and sustain
its economy from reeling under the pressure but its economy has
not moved further up as the impact of sanctions has been tough.
Economists
spot a new era of stagnation in Russian economy. According to the IMF, the
Russian economy was already in recession from early 2014 mainly as a result of
the 2014 Crimean crisis and the subsequent capital flight.
But this turned out to be false and the IMF revised its rhetoric to close
to being in recession and a forecast of 0.2% growth in 2014 and 1.0%
through 2015. Foreign investment in Russia is very low. Cumulative
investments from US sources of about $4 billion are about the same as US
investment in Costa Rica. Over the medium-to-long term, Russian companies that
do not invest to increase their competitiveness will find it harder either to
expand exports or protect their recent domestic market gains from higher
quality imports.
Russia
is unusual among the major economies in the way it relies on energy revenues to
drive growth. The country has an abundance of natural resources, including oil,
natural gas and precious metals, which make up a major share of Russia's
exports. As of 2012 oil and gas sector accounted for 16% of the GDP, 52% of federal budget revenues and
over 70% of total exports. Russia has a large and sophisticated arms industry,
capable of designing and manufacturing high-tech military equipment, including
a fifth-generation fighter jet. The value of Russian arms exports
totalled $15.7 billion in 2013—second only to the USA. Top military exports from Russia
include combat aircraft, air defence systems, ships, submarines.
Oil
Economy
of Russia is a mixed economy with state
ownership in strategic areas of the economy. Market reforms of the 1990s
privatized much of Russian industry and agriculture, with notable
exceptions in the energy and defense-related sectors.
Russian
economy depends on the sale of arms, oil and
gas, among other goods. The Russian economy has risen
and fallen over the past decade largely on the price of one
commodity: oil. High prices meant prosperity, and a fall to $38 per
barrel following the 2008 financial crisis sent Russia's currency
and GDP plummeting. Now, with the price of oil below $95
to a barrel and the United States steadily increasing oil production,
Russia is looking to a future where that reliance could well become
a liability.
Russia
runs regular trade surpluses primarily due to exports of commodities. Russia
main exports are oil and natural gas (58% of total exports), nickel, palladium,
iron and chemical products. Others include: cars, military equipment and
timber. Russia imports food, ground transports, pharmaceuticals and textile and
footwear. Main trading partners are: China (7% of total exports and 10% of
imports), Germany (7% of exports and 8% of imports) and Italy. This page
includes a chart with historical data for Russia balance of trade.
Logic
Crony
capitalism imposes stagnation in any big economy. Russian economy is the sixth largest in the world and also suffers from
crony capitalism. New Russia just promoted private economy without
any control over the growth of crony capitalism. Between 2000 and 2012,
Russia's energy exports fuelled a rapid growth in living standards, with
real disposable income rising by 160% in dollar-denominated terms
this amounted to more than sevenfold increase in disposable incomes since
2000. However, these gains have been distributed unevenly as 110 wealthiest
individuals were found to own 35% of all financial assets held by
Russian households. Since
2008 Moscow has been
repeatedly named the "billionaire capital of the world" by Forbes.
The Economist published
a "crony-capitalism index" in March that evaluates
the wealth of billionaires holding monopolies or direct ties
to the state, and compared that with their respective countries'
gross domestic products. Russia placed second after Hong Kong. The authors
of the study hoped that visible global historical trends would continue
and that oligarchs in developing countries would gradually shift
their holdings away from revenues made possible through government
connections to more transparent types of businesses. That might
eventually happen in Russia, but obviously not soon. With the country
practically at war, the "crony capitalism"
and "crony socialism" systems in place will probably only
intensify.
Close Kremlin associates who received business
preferences in peacetime can now expect to receive direct government
bailouts as compensation for losses caused by Western sanctions, with
leaders extorting that money from other Russian businesspeople or even
seizing their businesses outright.
The government plans not only borrow against
Russia's future development; they reallocate funds already earmarked
for current investment and infrastructure projects, putting
the eventual realization of these projects at risk. According
to Russia's Economic Development Ministry, the government might pull
money from frozen pension funds to bolster the beleaguered oil
and gas sector, or else raid the Reserve Fund, which ironically was
first created to protect the Pension Fund from losses.
Russia faces years of stagnation even before the
Ukraine crisis and is ducking decisions needed to achieve a new
economic model. Moscow has decided to undertake few steps to
contain the recession process. Cuts and investment as reform package
are considered vital.
Many leaders in Russia have questioned, at
least quietly, the logic of the confrontation with
West with the West over Ukraine. Former finance minister and
a leading liberal Alexei Kudrin, a long-time ally
of Russian President Vladimir Putin, is
one of the weightiest figures questioning government policy
at a time when Russia is feeling the economic chill
from confrontation. Kudrin who shepherded Russia's finances
for over a decade before resigning in 2011 in a row over
rising government spending says there will be stagnation and recession, adding
there would need to be a renewal of the government to achieve
change. Kudrin reiterated his calls for liberalizing economic reforms in
order to create a new economic model, which, according to him, also
requires a "renewal" of the government.
Kudrin said at the Reuters Russia Investment
Summit that Russia’s depressed economic growth will be exacerbated
by isolation from global markets. He expected that it would be years
before Russia was able to borrow again on global financial markets.
Another case in point is Russia's attitude to the World Trade
Organization, which it joined in 2012, prompting hopes of economic
liberalization. "Russia in essence will temporarily not observe
the rules of the WTO, he said, I'm afraid that we'll have
an exclusionary regime for more than one year. I think it will happen
for several years and it will be difficult
to return."
Kudrin argued failure to introduce long-discussed
reforms was a sign that the government lacked both political will,
and people capable of introducing reforms. He even suggested
that around 6 percent of gross domestic product spent on subsidies
should be redirected to areas such as infrastructure investment. The government
also needs to break generous spending promises — known as
the "May decrees" — made by Putin after his 2012
election. "The economy can't stagnate and policy continues as
if nothing had changed." Instead of facing up to the new
realities, a three-year budget approved recently lacked needed reform
measures, showing that the government was ducking hard decisions.
Kudrin said that, despite the repercussions
of the Ukraine crisis, he was confident Putin was committed
to economic reform in the long term, with no desire to turn
Russia into a closed economy.
Although
the current economic stagnation resembles the one during the last part of
Soviet era, the present crisis is set to overcome the difficulties
sooner or later. By the 1970s when the Soviet Union had entered
the era of Stagnation, the complex demands of the modern economy and
inflexible administration overwhelmed and constrained the central planners. The
volume of decisions facing planners in Moscow became overwhelming. The
cumbersome procedures for bureaucratic administration foreclosed the free
communication and flexible response required at the enterprise level for
dealing with worker alienation, innovation, customers, and suppliers. During
1975–85 corruption and data fiddling became common practice among bureaucracy
to report satisfied targets and quotas thus entrenching the crisis. Since
1986 Mikhail Gorbachev attempted to address economic problems by
moving towards a market-oriented socialist economy. Gorbachev's policies
had failed to rejuvenate the Soviet economy, though.
Instead, Perestroika set off a process of political and economic
disintegration, culminating in the breakup of the Soviet Union in
1991.
That
may not be the case now primarily because Putin is
not Gorbachev.
Support
The moderate recovery that was under way at the end of
2013 has been halted by the turbulence related to the events in Ukraine.
Associated increased uncertainties and capital flight are now weighing on
investor confidence. Consumption growth will weaken as real income growth slows
and consumer credit becomes more expensive. The weak rouble will provide some
support to the slowing economy and the budget.
Tensions over Ukraine and
international sanctions weigh heavily on the economy, which is forecast to grow
by 0.7% in 2014-15. The weaker rouble and Russian counter-sanctions on western
food imports will push up inflation and hold down household consumption.
Business sentiment has worsened and investment will contract sharply.
Government finances will come under increasing strain from 2015. If sanctions
are prolonged for several years they could significantly impair potential oil
output.
The European Union has imposed
sanctions on Russia's finance, defence and energy sectors and has frozen the
assets of some 140 Russian and Ukrainian individuals and companies over
Moscow's role in Ukraine.
Some economists have suggested that state
support for manufacturing is one crucial way for a
resource-based economy, such as Russia's, to insulate itself
from these price fluctuations and spur economic growth. The new
manufacturing enterprises first require investment, which is increasingly hard
to come by in Russia, where Western sanctions have cut off
state-owned banks from EU and US capital markets, thereby raising
the cost of lending across the board.
Valery Mironov, chief economist at the Higher
School of Economics' Center for Development argues that support must
be administered with extreme caution, however, as the money funneled
into government programmes could simply disappear due to corruption
and institutional inefficiency. Spending on infrastructure
and trimming state spending is, of course, only half of the
story. Economists say Russia's economic future will have less to do with
government spending than with renewing the influx
of investment. They quote VTB Capital which currently employs less
than 20 people in the United States. Financial sources say VTB Capital has
already cut and relocated some staff in London and New York this
year.
VTB Bank, Russia's second-largest bank by assets,
was sanctioned by the United States and European Union in the
summer over Moscow's role in the Ukraine crisis, limiting its access
to international capital along with other Russian state
banks. Russian investment bank VTB Capital is switching focus
to Asian markets, the chairman of the bank's board
of directors said, after the West imposed sanctions on its
parent, VTB Bank. VTB Capital has slipped to third in a ranking
of investment banks in Russia by fees earned so far this year,
according to data compiled by Thomson Reuters and Freeman
Consulting Group.
Russia faces isolation from global market
institutions for a similar length of time. These predictions, which
contrast with more optimistic official forecasts, will be sobering
for investors hoping that the end of a conflict in eastern
Ukraine would also mean an easing of Russia's economic
problems. Even if Western sanctions were not intensified further,
economic growth would be 1 percent lower than it would have been for at
least three years.
Shift
As Russia slowly moves from West to Asia, Asian investors
are concerned about the Russian impact of sanctions, even if they are
not directly prohibited from dealing with sanctioned entities,
and there has been little appetite in Asia for equity
and debt issues by Russian firms this year. Gazprom completed
a stock listing in Singapore in June but did not raise any new
funds. Asian investors, however, are concerned about the impact
of sanctions, even if they are not directly prohibited from dealing
with sanctioned entities, and there has been little appetite in Asia
for equity and debt issues by Russian firms this
year. Gazprom completed a stock listing in Singapore
in June but did not raise any new funds.
Russia's Rosneft's chief Igor Sechin, a close
ally of Putin, has been on the US sanctions list since April. Rosneft itself
was added to the list in July. Rosneft is preparing to more than double
oil exports to China to over 1 million bpd, seeking to secure market share and
billions of dollars in pre-payments. Vankor project is vital for Rosneft to
meet its growing commitments to supply Asian markets, above all China. In
a major about-turn, given the Kremlin's long resistance to allow its powerful
neighbour access to such deposits, Putin last month said he welcomed the idea
of China joining the prized Vankor field.
Rosneft has offered stakes in its
two east Siberian oilfields to India's Oil and Natural Gas Corp , as the
sanctions-hit Russian company looks beyond Western firms to develop its vast
resources. The sanctions imposed on Russia by the United States and Europe
to punish Moscow for its incursion into Ukraine, have cut Rosneft's access to
Western financing and technology. Rosneft has offered an up to 49 percent
stake in Yurubcheno-Tokhomskoye and 10 percent share in Vankor field to the
state-run ONGC. ONGC would firm up its decision on participation in the
two projects before the planned visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to
Delhi in December, this source said, adding the two fields are in geologically
challenging areas.
Production at Yurubcheno-Tokhomskoye
will start in 2017. The field is to supply Asian markets via the East
Siberia-Pacific Ocean pipeline and feed a yet-to-be-built petrochemical plant
in Russia's Far East.
India says Russians need
money and want to hire partners from Asia. They want to demonstrate to the USA
and Europe that there are partners available for them.
The current crisis provides an opportunity
for Russia to diversify its foreign economic relations in
Asia as well. What's more, the new contacts with
Asia will endure even after the current sanctions are lifted.
Ways
A significant number of the economic
sanctions that the United States and European Union have imposed
on Russia involve not just restrictions on exports of advanced
and dual-use technologies, but also technology aimed at purely
civilian use. And, in contrast to restrictions on Russia's
financial and energy sectors that are also painful for the West,
the blockade on technology exports might remain in force
for decades. An example is the restrictions that
the U.S. and Europe placed on military technology exports
to China in 1989 in response to events on Tiananmen
Square. Those restrictions remain in place today, even though
the events that prompted them have receded into history
and economic relations between the West and China have greatly
improved during the intervening years.
The West has long enforced numerous informal
restrictions on technology exports to Russia. Russian industries have
often faced refusals when attempting to purchase highly complex U.S.-made
industrial equipment that Washington willingly sells to its allies. But
now the West has formalized those restrictions and will not cancel
them in the foreseeable future. That forces Russia to look
for alternative suppliers of complex technological equipment,
and China is the logical first choice.
However, Russia needs basic technologies from the
West for at least 20-30 years. Economists suggest the higher fiscal
revenues from the increasing rouble value of oil revenues (reflecting rouble
depreciation) should be used to support the weaker domestic economy. Priority
should be given to growth-enhancing spending programmes, in particular
education, innovation and active labour market programmes. The
Central Bank of Russia should maintain its transition schedule to a full
inflation-targeting framework, but will have to balance transitory inflation
changes related to currency movements against the need to prevent inflation
expectations from unanchoring.
Although the Ukraine-related sanctions are set
to weigh heavily, they were not the only major reason why Russian
economic growth is now stalling. Today the decline of Russian
economic growth is not so much the result of sanctions as of the
lack of reform of the economic system, at a time when
the oil price is not rising but falling. Whereas the oil price rose
steadily during the previous decade, the price has now peaked
and is likely to keep falling over the years ahead. One
result is that within three or four years Russia would see a fall
in its oil-and-gas tax revenues equivalent to around 1.5-2 percent
of economic output ($30-40 billion) per annum. Russians need another
economic model.
To compensate for these trends, Russia needs
to develop new oil-and-gas resources in the Arctic and Far East
as quickly as possible. But Western sanctions mean that the process will
be slower and more difficult than otherwise, restricting Russian oil
companies' access to needed Western technologies. Russia needs the west.
The uncertainty in the political climate
arising out of conflict with West has to end first and then only
growth would follow. Russia has bought around $5 billion worth of VTB
Bank's preferential shares in a bid to shore up its Tier 1 capital
ratio, which in the first half dropped below the 10 percent level
required by the central bank. The VTB Capital had weathered
the effects of sanctions on its parent bank well, despite lower
volumes across its key markets, including mergers and acquisitions. The
deals and volumes are almost there, they hope
to restore their overall No. 1 position by the end
of the year.
While it is correct to involve
Asian partners, Russians say they are so far an inferior substitute
for Western oil companies which possessed the most relevant
technologies. More generally, developing economic ties with Asian countries
could only go so far in substituting for relations with
the West. China is weak at innovation and lacked many sectors
important to Russia.
Russia with its great empire ambitions
does not want to be seen as part of developing world but seeks to be
another super power and it cannot achieve
that goal now without the collaboration with
USA and Europe.
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